No mercy for rights abusers

As ordinary soldiers and police are arrested for crimes committed 30 years ago, it is becoming clear that there will be no mercy for abusers of human rights. This has clear implications for Kenya’s security forces who are blamed for the disappearances of thousands of people since 2006.

Former police driver, Bernard Kiriinya, seen here in this video grab from a testimony he made to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Former police driver, Bernard Kiriinya, seen here in this video grab from a testimony he made to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

According to the BBC, a judge in Chile has issued arrest warrants for 129 people for allegedly helping to purge critics of former ruler General Augusto Pinochet. They are accused of taking part in killings and disappearances of dozens of leftists and opposition activists mostly in the 1970s.

The suspects – the largest group so far to face arrest warrants – all worked for the secret police agency, Dina. Many of those named in the arrest warrants are former low-ranking officers who were previously excluded from prosecution for Gen Pinochet’s human rights abuses.

Thousands of activists were killed or disappeared during the 1973-1990 rule of Gen Pinochet, who died in 2006 while awaiting trial.

The arrest warrants cited various Dina operations to track down Pinochet’s opponents, such as Operation Condor – a long-running campaign launched in the mid-1970s to hunt down and kill left-wingers. Condor was a continent-wide operation, also backed by the rulers of Argentina, Brazil, Bolivia, Paraguay and Uruguay.

These are good news for human rights activists in Kenya, who have for long condemned Kenya Police and security forces tactics of abducting people, torturing, then making them ‘disappear.’ It just proves that, someday, the perpetrators of human rights abuses will have to account for their deeds.

There is ample evidence linking the Kenyan government to human rights abuses. United Nations Special Rapporteur Philip Alston released a report early this year accusing the police of human rights violations, including killing people without following due process. The Kenyan National Human Rights Commission,  itself a State body, has implicated police officers and their commanders in heinous crimes against humanity.

By far the worst evidence comes from a former police officer who confessed to participating in what can only be described as an orgy of butchering human beings.

Bernard Kiriinya, a former driver in a police death squad, told the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights that police officers abducted people from homes, roadsides and restaurants. The victims were taken to isolated locations where they were shot dead and the bodies chopped into pieces.

The bodies of the victims were deliberately disfigured with rungus and pangas to conceal their identity. This explains why hundreds of people are listed as missing even though their bodies may be lying in mortuaries across the country.

To what extent was the police command involved? Kiriinya said that Police Commissioner Mohammed Hussein Ali and senior commanders were fully briefed on the activities of police death squads. Officers who were involved in killings regularly received cash payments ranging from Kshs 2,000 (US$25) to Kshs15,000 ($187) for each successful “assignment.”

Police officers outside of the death squads were not spared either. At one time, a Constable hiked a lift in a police Land Rover that was ferrying four Mungiki suspects to Murang’a. On arrival, the four suspects were ordered to get out and lie on their bellies where afterwards they were shot. The innocent constable was also killed in order to conceal the executions.

Unfortunately, Bernard Kiriinya is no longer available to produce further evidence. He was shot and killed in Nairobi soon after his testimony. The gunmen have never been caught. However, the tapes he left behind prove that truth will always defeat evil. Read more of his testimony by clicking here.

The events in Chile, coupled with an increasingly assertive International Criminal Court, means that violations of human rights can never be forgotten. It may take ten years, perhaps twenty years, or maybe even thirty years, but justice will sooner or later catch up with the guilty parties.

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Building a police state

Men sprayed with machine gun fire. Police with sub-machine guns patrolling the streets on horseback. Checkpoints on every major highway. Armed escort for inter-city buses.

A police patrol car in the country side.

A new police patrol car in the country side.

These are characteristics of a country either under occupation or a state of emergency. It could also imply a fearsome dictatorship. But these are the characteristics of today’s Kenya. But inspite of this high visibility of police, crime soars while political instability threatens to tear the country apart.

It gets worse: recruitment of 50,000 police in the next two years. Massive government spending on tanks, guns, helicopters, patrol boats and patrol cars. Mandatory registration of mobile phones.  Very soon: registration will be required for all internet users.

Kenya has the highest deployment of armed police on the streets in East and Central Africa. Even countries that have experienced political instability, such as Rwanda and Uganda, do not have such a visible presence of police officers yet crime figures in those countries is much lower than in Kenya.

On the streets of Nairobi, police with AK-47 stand guard at every intersection, including side steets. There are uncountable numbers of plain clothes police supplemented by mounted police and City Council askaris.

At all major roundabouts leading into and out of the city centre will be found truckloads of riot police ready to move into action at a moment’s notice. All highways leading into Nairobi have checkpoints each with dozens of heavily armed police.

The same situation is replicated in the countryside. Though the smaller towns have a lesser police presence, there still exist checkpoints at every highway.

The War against Crime has resulted many deaths both on the side of police and among civilians. In the past month alone, more than a dozen police officers have been killed in the line of duty. On the other hand, elite police squads have shot people simply for “behaving suspiciously.” In many cases, its only the word of the police against a dead man.

The Kenya Police is headed by Major General Mohammed Hussein Ali. Poached from the army by President Mwai Kibaki in 2003, Gen Ali took over when the police was at its worst: street patrols had ceased, vehicles were grounded for lack of spares and the public had little confidence in the force. Gen Ali re-introduced patrols and popularized community policing. However, the old habits of summary execution, corruption and police connivance with criminals persist and may even have seen a resurgence since 2008.

With wide income inequalities, Kenya will continue investing more of its scarce resources in providing security for its elite amidst growing resentment from the majority of the population living in squalor. In other words, instead of building roads, schools and hospitals, government revenue is instead going into hiring more police and soldiers. Instead of supplying medicine, books and piped water, public funds are buying guns, bullets and teargas.

Yesterday, President Mwai Kibaki directed that all mobile phones in Kenya be registered by the end of the year. This, he said, is to enable the police apprehend fraudsters and extortionists. Critics are reading sinister motives because mobile phones were extensively used to disseminate campaign messages by Kibaki’s opponents in the 2007 elections. Mobile phone text messages relayed election results far ahead of the state electoral body.

Mobile phone providers, Safaricom and Zain, have said the move to register mobile phone subscribers will not make a difference in the fight against crime. “The issue of subscriber registration has been over-simplified by the political class and, in itself, it is not a panacea for addressing rising incidents of crime,” said Safaricom CEO Michael Joseph.

And in a bid to control the thought and political conscience of Kenyans, the government is secretly creating a new broadcast monopoly through the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation by exploiting the worldwide transition from analogue broadcasting to digital broadcasting.

According to the Communications Commission of Kenya (CCK), the Kenya Broadcasting Corporation (KBC) will be the only authorized digital broadcaster for the country. Anybody else wishing to operate a private radio or television station will be required to channel their signal through KBC.

It is becoming rather obvious that there exist elements in Kenya who wish to turn the country into a totalitarian state, where freedom and dissent is crushed mercilessly. It is up to all Kenyans to uphold the democratic rights of everybody else in order to guarantee our future liberties.

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Patrol car photo by Kiplagat

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Mungiki: government promises more of the same

In its first cabinet meeting in more than a month, the Kenyan government vowed to crush the Mungiki sect especially in the sect’s strongholds in the Central Province and Rift Valley.

Paramilitary police from the Rapid Deployment Unit in an anti-Mungiki patrol in Nyeri. Picture by the Daily Nation.

Paramilitary police from the Rapid Deployment Unit in an anti-Mungiki patrol in Nyeri. Picture by the Daily Nation.

Following the cabinet decision, paramilitary police were deployed onto the streets of towns where Mungiki has a huge presence.

Analysts however say that the government is intensifying its war against Mungiki without a significant change in strategy. There will be greater use of such tactics as arresting suspected members and assassinating its leaders despite international criticism of illegal killings by the Kenyan Police.

There is very little talk about the political and social measures that will draw the mostly youthful membership of Mungiki into a constructive engagment with civilized society.

The government’s war on Mungiki has drawn more recruits into the secretive organization than before. Hardly a day goes by without police breaking up a Mungiki oathing ceremony. For every oathing ceremony detected by police, there could be many others that the police did not know about.

Though the Mungiki engages in criminal activity, its existence and continued persistence is a result of social and economic factors affecting the youth.

Economically, youth are the most disadvantaged in Kenya. They are the most affected by unemployment. They do not own property and therefore cannot invest in viable business. A recent study on small scale farms found that they are mostly owned by the over 50 age group. Young farmers are frustrated by co-operative societies dominated by men well past their prime.

Socially, the youth feel isolated from national political discourse. Young people feel ignored even within families, within the community set up and in the church. Contrary to what the country’s politicians believe, having young leaders will not quieten the Mungiki phenomenon. It is the introduction and implementation of new ideas that will drive the country forward and help create opportunities for the youth.

Feelings of disempowerment and isolation make groups like Mungiki very attractive. Gangs create a sense of purpose and belonging that every human being craves. Mungiki provides a basic social net for its members, who regard themselves as one big family. It provides social grounding to a dispossessed and angry youth and helps them to comprehend the difficult circumstances they find themselves in.

Instead of the government devising a creative, inclusive and long-term solution, it attacks the millions of poor and excluded youth with guns, jail terms and torture. By doing so, the government is confirming what the poor believe about it: that it is a tool of oppression used by the rich to suppress the poor.

The solution to the Mungiki menace should come with the admission that there are serious social, economic and political problems in Kenya. Mungiki is not a problem confined only to the Kikuyu. Other communities in Kenya have their own gangs created by the same circumstances that led to the growth of Mungiki. The difference between Mungiki and gangs from other communities is simply the scale of organization. Mungiki has been around for longer and this has given it a head start.

The Kisii have gangs like Abachuma and Sungu Sungu. The Kamba have localized gangs around the Machakos area that have made life a living hell for the affluent. At the Kenyan Coast, disaffected youth are joining movements whose ultimate objective is to secede from the rest of Kenya. In Northern Kenya, youth are joining cattle rustling gangs, while North Eastern Kenya is providing recruits for militant groups fighting in Somalia.

Assuming the government wins the war on Mungiki, will it apply the same methods against other communities in Kenya? And what will be the consequences?

Mungiki: Truth and fiction

As we drove along the highway up and down the ridges of Central Kenya, discussion inevitably veered towards the Mungiki, the Kikuyu and Kenyan politics.

The slums of Kenya provide a fertile recruiting ground for Mungiki. Picture by Kibera Slum Foundation

The slums of Kenya provide a fertile recruiting ground for Mungiki. Picture by Kibera Slum Foundation

Those in our group and who were not Kikuyu wanted the police to wipe out the group from the surface of the earth. They accused human rights organizations of frustrating the government’s War on Mungiki.

Our Kikuyu driver however gave a fresh insight into Mungiki, a group that has rocked the Kikuyu heartland of Central Kenya and parts of the Rift Valley.

“What you are seeing is a social implosion among the Kikuyu,” explained the middle aged driver, “there are too many people trapped in poverty, violence and hopelessness, that is why the young people are joining Mungiki. There is no other way out …”

Few people seem to understand the Mungiki phenomenon. Even the government does not understand what it is up against. As far as the police are concerned, any poor Kikuyu aged 15 – 45 is a prime suspect, especially if working in the matatu industry. What exactly is the truth about Mungiki? Who are they? What do they represent and what are their plans for themselves and for Kenya at large?

What is Mungiki?

Mungiki began as a traditionalist African sect founded by one Maina Njenga around 1985. Interestingly, Mungiki did not begin in Central Province but actually began in the Rift Valley, specifically, the areas around Laikipia and Baringo before spreading to parts of Nyandarua. As a matter of fact, among Maina Njenga’s childhood neighbours were families from the Kalenjin ethnic group.

1990s: Ethnic clashes

In the 1990s, Kikuyus living in the Rift Valley came under heavy attack for opposing President Daniel arap Moi. Families were killed, homes burnt and farms looted. Mungiki mobilized groups of Kikuyu youth for self defence. The attempt won the group much admiration especially amongst the displaced Kikuyu. Many of the displaced moved into urban slums in Central Province and Nairobi. By the late 1990s, Mungiki had grown so much that former President Moi began warning against it.

1997 – 2003: Economic and social crisis

Kenya underwent a severe economic and social crisis in the late 1990s. The government was broke, civil servants were laid off and private sector companies were leaving the country. Economic liberalization meant that price controls were lifted on basic commodities. Globalization and the influx of foreign values put further strains on Kenyan society.

Jobs were impossible to get and professionals left the country in droves. Public schools were privatized and the children of the poor ended up on the streets. Public clinics were shut for lack of drugs and doctors. The police were affected by the economic downturn and crime went out of control. In the slums, the State ceased to exist.

Amidst this situation, Mungiki emerged to control crime, collect garbage and provide justice in domestic and other disputes. Mungiki provided informal jobs for its members in transport and retail business. In return, residents of the slums were obliged to pay Mungiki a fixed amount of money for each household, business and motor vehicle.

2002: Politicization of Mungiki

In 2002, Moi was grooming Uhuru Kenyatta to succeed him for the presidency. Uhuru had little chance of winning and in desperation, Moi convinced the Mungiki leadership to back his choice. Uhuru was defeated by Mwai Kibaki, his baptismal godfather.

2003 – 2009: Kibaki restores state authority

Once in power, Kibaki attempted to restore the authority of the State but Mungiki had gotten used to operating in a lawless environment. To Mungiki, the State was interfering with their livelihoods. In 2007, Kibaki’s administration launched the War on Mungiki. It is believed that thousands of Kikuyu youth have been secretly killed by government forces.

What is Mungiki’s agenda?

The goal of Mungiki is to overthrow the current political and economic elite and replace them with a system of government modelled along African values. Mungiki blames the government, the rich, the church and the politicians for misery in Kenya. Most Mungiki members live in absolute poverty. Many others have been victims of ethnic clashes where they lost everything they owned. To them, Mungiki offers a sense of security in numbers.

Does Mungiki want to kill other Kenyan tribes?

There have been few instances when Mungiki attacked other tribes. This was during the ethnic clashes of the 1990s and during the post election violence of 2008. Mungiki were responding to a perception that Kikuyu peasants had been abandoned by their leaders.

All Kenyan tribes are affected by poverty. What is special about the Kikuyu?

Since the 19th century, Central Province has seen extensive violence against its people. The British sent soldiers to push the Kikuyu out of fertile land to make way for coffee and tea plantations. The Mau Mau war of the 1950s is still a case study of colonial repression. Thousands of Kikuyu were detained and tortured. Their families were confined into fortified villages whose conditions resembled those of concentration camps. Since independence, the crime rate in Central Province has been noticeably higher compared to other parts of Kenya. The ethnic clashes of the 1990s created a generation of angry Kikuyu youths willing to use violence.

Because of historical reasons, a group like Mungiki was more likely to emerge among the Kikuyu than among other Kenyan tribes.

Is Mungiki owned by politicians?

Most Kikuyu politicians are from the upper and middle classes, whereas the membership of Mungiki is predominantly from the poor. The two classes see each other as a problem but their interests occasionally converge. A good example is the post election violence of 2008, where Kikuyu politicians sought help from Mungiki following the government’s failure to stop ethnic clashes.

Does the Nairobi Chronicle support Mungiki?

No, we do not support Mungiki. However, abducting and killing its members will not solve the Mungiki menace. Experience from Latin America shows that condoning government death squads is a mistake because they eventually start targetting anybody opposing the government. In certain countries, death squads turned against their former masters.

Summary

The roots of Mungiki are complex, and stretch back a hundred years. It has to do with colonialism, Mau Mau, poverty, oppression and globalization. Mungiki is the product of a failed state under the leadership of a cruel elite.

Gruesome confessions of police killings by death squad driver

Testimony by a former member of a Kenya Police death squad reveals the extent to which senior police officers ordered the killings of thousands of people.

Former police driver, Bernard Kiriinya, seen here in this video grab from a testimony he made to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Former police driver, Bernard Kiriinya, seen here in this video grab from a testimony he made to the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights.

Bernard Kiriinya told the Kenya National Commission on Human Rights of police officers abducting people from homes, roadsides and restaurants. The victims were taken to isolated locations where they were shot dead and the bodies chopped to pieces.

The bodies of the victims were deliberately disfigured with rungus and pangas to conceal their identity. This explains why hundreds of people are listed as missing even though their bodies may be lying in mortuaries across the country.

For those Kenyans who support police death squads on grounds of eliminating Mungiki, Kiriinya revealed in his taped testimony that police officers killed people in order to steal money and property.

A Corporal Njoroge took a new Subaru Outback owned by a man he abducted and killed in Kiambu. The same Corporal Njoroge took two vehicles from a Kariobangi based businessman known as, “Mashukaru” after abducting and torturing him to death. Mashukaru had his eyes removed during torture at Matuu, where he had been taken. After he was killed, the body was dumped in a dam. Njoroge returned to Nairobi and gave the two vehicles to senior policemen as gifts.

Virginia Nyakio, wife to jailed Mungiki leader Maina Njenga, was abducted and killed because of Kshs5 million (US$62,500) in her possession. Her body and that of her driver were extensively mutilated by police officers to make it appear as the work of a rival Mungiki faction. This was the line of investigation that police sold to the public back in April 2008.

Unfortunately, Bernard Kiriinya is no longer available to produce further evidence. He was shot and killed in Nairobi soon after his testimony. The gunmen have never been caught. However, the tapes he left behind prove that truth will always defeat evil. Whatever is done in the dark will someday come to light regardless of how long it takes.

To what extent was the police command involved? Kiriinya said that Police Commissioner Mohammed Hussein Ali and senior commanders were fully briefed on the activities of police death squads. Officers who were involved in killings regularly received cash payments ranging from Kshs 2,000 (US$25) to Kshs15,000 ($187) for each successful “assignment.”

During the torture of suspected Mungiki leader Kimani Ruo at Ngong Forest, police officers called their bosses and replayed tapes of his confessions. On hearing the tapes, Provincial Police Officer Njagi Njue ordered over the telephone that, “kazi iendelee,” meaning the work should continue. Police Commissioner Ali ordered that Kimani Ruo be killed with instructions that the body should never be discovered. Indeed, Kimani Ruo’s family never knew what happened to him, until Kiriinya’s tape was made public in February.

The Police Commissioner recommended for promotion several police officers who excelled in death squad operations. A Mr Maina was promoted overnight from a Corporal to Inspector of Police. His colleague was promoted from Constable to Corporal under similar circumstances. There are many such promotions that continue to take place within the Kenya Police force.

Police commanders encouraged financial fraud in order to reward death squad operatives. Senior officers in the Criminal Investigations Department (CID) ordered junior officers to make false overtime claims in order to get paid for their secret activities. The officers complied and went home with Shs10,000 each ($125).

Such tactics are deliberately designed to frustrate future investigations as records will only show payments for overtime. It also makes it easier for police to request extra funds from the Ministry of Finance on grounds that officers are putting in “extra hours.”

Police officers outside of the death squads were not spared either. At one time, a Constable hiked a lift in a police Land Rover that was ferrying four Mungiki suspects to Murang’a. On arrival, the four suspects were ordered to get out and lie on their bellies where afterwards they were shot. The innocent constable was also killed in order to conceal the executions.

Most Kenyans do not appreciate the extent of rot within the police force. It is common to hear individuals arguing that the deaths of a few innocent people is a worthy price to pay in the war against crime and Mungiki. But who decides between innocence and guilt? Isn’t that what the courts are for?

Giving individual police officers the power to decide between guilt and innocence is a disaster in the making. Kiriinya’s testimony reveals that the officers involved in death squad operations are driven by the desire for wealth and glory. Police officers get overnight promotions for torturing and killing people. Others do it in order to steal money, vehicles and other property.

Surely, this is a lawless society. Unless death squads are stopped and the guilty officers brought to book, the future of Kenya is in doubt. And for this, President Mwai Kibaki must accept responsibility.

The Nairobi Chronicle recommends that every Kenyan read for themselves the signed confession by Bernard Kiriinya. Its only 16 pages long and just 1.4 MB in size. Click here to download the PDF document from Mars Group.
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Police blamed for Oscar killing

By Casper Waithaka (Daily Nation)

Slain human rights activist Oscar Kamau King’ara was buried on Saturday in a sombre ceremony at his father’s farm in Muchatha, Kiambu District.

The late Oscar Kamau Kingara

The late Oscar Kamau Kingara

Family and friends eulogised King’ara as a man who always set out to do what he wanted. Kepta Ombati – who was speaking on behalf of the civil society – accused the police of killing King’ara and trying to cover it up.

His widow Nancy said: “I am very proud of my husband. Twenty years from now, when my children ask me who their father was, I will confidently tell them he was a man who did what he believed in.”

More on this story from the Daily Nation >>

Killed for plotting radical change

Murdered human rights activist, Oscar Kamau King’ara, was mobilizing Kenyans to massively vote against the country’s cruel and corrupt rulers in the 2012 General Elections.

human_rights_quotes

The Liberators Movement was seen by certain powerful personalities as a threat to their political ambitions in the 2012 General Elections. These personalities were scared enough to organize the termination of Oscar before his initiative took off.

The Liberator movement has an elaborate membership plan: “We are organized into cells of 20 people from grassroots to national membership. And as a member you are required to form your cell, inform others why change is needed, share with them initiatives undertaken by Liberators family and call up for training and recruitment,” reads part of the information on the Oscar Foundation website.

In Kenya, such talk will provoke an immediate and brutal response from the ruling elite.

Oscar printed huge posters of President Mwai Kibaki, Prime Minister Raila Odinga and Environment Minister John Michuki describing them as examples of tyranny in Kenya. Raila is shown with duct tape covering his mouth, implying a policy of silence.

Oscar wrote that the “Liberator” is a movement of people whose mission is to redeem Kenya from the captivity of political leaders. It is meant to unite all Kenyans who are tired, unhappy and feel suppressed by the actions, nature and structure of the current crop of political leaders.

Here’s a sample of quotes from Liberator Movement documents:

Our vision is to create a Kenya in which all citizens belong in words and in life. A country of prosperity, justice, good governance and peace for all.

As liberators we share a lot in common; We pay heavy tax to finance the lavish life of our Members of parliament, Ministers, Prime Minister and the President of Kenya; We toil everyday but never have the good returns for our hard labour; We thirst and hunger and even die, when our leaders thrive and make profits in our suffering; We have seen the corrupt going unpunished and public properties being looted. We are assumed to be weak helpless and easy to forget. We appear to be easily divisible in tribes and region. That is what our leaders have been thinking of us all along.

But now we are rising as Liberator, to show them that we can free ourselves and that what they have known or thought us to be is not and will not be what we are or can be. We are waking up in readiness to let them know that though we may look weak and vulnerable, never in this initiative can we fail to achieve the change of our choice and expand the space and value of our democracy.

We have come to this point and we are not going to wait any more. By our numbers, we will find strength and by our united commitment we will coin victory and win against our political leaders who have turned the masses into goods of trade.

The Liberators’ guiding principles are love for the nation; sacrifice and commitment towards its reclamation; information sharing about the happenings in our country; and adoption of non-violence as a tool of struggle towards liberation of our nation. Our brief is very simple, to give you information, so that you can know your rights, know when it is being infringed upon; know whoever is responsible; and then show him or her that you will not take it any longer.

We are determined to stand up to be counted, we pledge not to let Kenya drown or go to the dogs – the dogs will simply eat it! As our leaders continue to conspire against us; forming themselves into a fellowship of thieves; thriving in impunity with less care and concern to the rest of us, let them know that we swear never to take it any more. We intend to employ all tools and tactics available within our reach to ensure that good governance in Kenya is not made a mere token or an act of goodwill by our leaders but an inherent foundation of democracy, governance and political representation furnished and powered by the will of the people.

You and I, in this country; must stand up and be the light of our villages however remote or near. We must be the hope for our oppressed generation; the inspiration for the young ones to come; the tower and the source of alternative leadership by the people and for the people. We must stand and give compass and direction when the Government and leadership cheats the masses. We are the repository of knowledge and so we must inform the moment; we are determined to send home all thieves, liars and looters who reside in the parliament; we demand our country back.

We want 2012 to be a lesson to them; to send them all packing. It is happening in the rest of the world; America, Ghana are just but a few countries which have shown in the recent past that power belongs not to the leaders but in the hands of the people. And if our leaders can not see the written signs and heed to our demand now, we promise a peaceful liberation of this country by making it ungovernable for them. We will fight them with the power of our numbers through civil disobedience, mass processions and public defiance. But key to all we are not willing to make them thrive in our silence.

We are organized into cells of 20 people from grassroots to national membership. As a member, you are required to form your cell, inform others why change is needed, share with them initiatives undertaken by the Liberators family and call up for training and recruitment.

Our ideology is patriotism and the strength of numbers backed by conviction that we hold it as a duty to defend and determine the kind of the country we wish to live in.

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