Kenyan youth hooked to sex trade

The sex industry in Kenya is playing a greater role in the economy as a lack of jobs pushes youths into the vice. Interestingly enough, the trade is not growing in the familiar sense of twilight girls but assuming legitimacy through massage parlours, e-commerce websites, tourism, strip clubs and international dating.

A Kenyan website advertises sex services.

A Kenyan website advertises sex services.

A cursory survey by the Nairobi Chronicle reveals that a significant number of young women in Kenya earn their living by engaging in relationships with executives, diplomats, senior security officers as well as tourists. The relationships usually involve the lavishing of gifts, housing, cars and cash in exchange for sex.

Apart from young women, youthful men are getting into the game by offering sexual services to upper-class men and women. As it turns out, many women who have succeeded in Kenya’s corporate sector find themselves single. Often, these women are willing to engage in relationships with younger men in exchange for providing cash and jobs.

At Kenya’s coast, there are cases of married men getting involved with female tourists for money with the full knowledge of their own wives.

So brazen has the sex industry become that recruitment is done openly through newspaper classifieds and websites. One notorious website invites job applications complete with a passport photo with promises of, “immediate employment.”

It used to be that the epicentre of Kenya’s sex trade was on Nairobi’s Koinange Street. For many years, the street was a haven for scantily-dressed women patronized by men in limousines. Not any more. Well, there’s still some business on Koinange Street. However, the fact is that after dark, every street in Nairobi becomes a den of prostitution. Those who know where to look can find a woman or a man willing to have sex for money. Famous restaurants are included in the list of sexual liaison facilities in Nairobi.

Sex trade is taking place right in the heart of the capital city. Certain buildings which house executive offices have rooms hired out for the sex trade. However, knowledge of these facilities is restricted to practitioners and clients in the trade. Its indeed ironical that hundreds of thousands of Nairobians walk past the premises with little knowledge of the actual activities within these panelled walls.

Nairobi’s massage parlours have achieved international notoriety. They are actually brothels in disguise, using the veneer of massage services to operate legitimately. Once inside the parlours, clients are told that for an extra Kshs1,000, they can get “special” services.

The massage parlours are located in respectable, upper-class residential areas such as Hurlingham, Westlands, Parklands, Spring Valley, Upper Hill, South C and even around State House. It is not possible that these establishments exist without the knowledge of authorities. The parlours have a potential destabilizing effect in the minds of young children because of their location. In some cases, clients visiting the parlours have to jump over children playing within the corridors.

Strip clubs are another growing concern, especially within Nairobi. Due to competition, an increasing number of restaurants are introducing strippers in order to gain clientele. Many of the girls are highly educated college graduates who turn to stripping for lack of employment. A monthly take-home pay of about Kshs20,000 a month (US$322) is very tempting in a poverty-stricken economy such as Kenya’s.

And then there’s the hidden face of prostitution: international dating. A survey in Nairobi cyber cafes found an overwhelming number of youth scanning their photos and uploading them to dating websites such as and

One thing that must be understood is that young people in Kenya do not join dating websites so as to get their own age-mates for romance. Far from it, majority of youths joining dating websites want to hook up with elderly, rich white men from Europe and America. The hope is that with marriage, comes the prospects of gaining citizenship in those countries. In the meantime, there will be constant demands for money to take care of “emergencies,” “school fees,” “rent,” and the like.

As a consequence, all across Nairobi will be found women renting expensive apartments, living big and buying the latest mobile phones. The women, more often than not, do not have an identifiable source of income.

Occassionally, some of the foreign men come to Kenya to visit their newly found girlfriends. Scenes of octogenarian Caucasians walking arm in arm with young Kenyan girls are quite common in our streets. Maternity hospitals in Kenya are also recording an increase in inter-racial babies born to unmarried mothers.

There is strong evidence that the sex trade is contributing to human trafficking. Some of the massage parlours and strip clubs in Nairobi are providing women from as far as India, Phillippines, South America and Eastern Europe. Experience from other parts of the world would indicate that these women are subjected to horrific human rights abuses. It is a well-known fact, for instance, that clubs in Nairobi specializing in Eastern European women are patronized by shady personalities from former communist countries.

One girl working in a massage parlour told the Nairobi Chronicle that, “its a crazy life.” The women are subjected to long working hours with few breaks. Those who provide hotel or home services often get sent off without pay. Meanwhile, things are not better for those young people dating over the internet.

There are rumours that a well-known fashion model who was dating online, got severe injuries when her “boyfriend” visited her in Kenya. It is said that the young woman had to spend thousands of shillings in medical treatment following the rendez-vous.

Kenya’s economy is growing but not fast enough to provide jobs to its youth. Each year, hundreds of thousands of people join the labor market from universities, colleges, high schools and grade school. There are simply not enough jobs for all of them. Its obvious that many of these youth will turn to the sex trade in order to acquire the glitzy lifestyle they so much want to achieve.

Unfortunately, the sex industry isn’t going to do much in creating a better society. There’s going to be an increase in rapes, in child sex and in perverted sexual practices. There will be a growth in homosexuality. Morals will become relative, that is, as long as it pays then it must be good. That is the crisis facing the youth today and which bodes ill for the future of Kenya.


461 Responses

  1. Prostitution is simply a stage in the development of any nation…that too will come to pass… way or the other…AIDS did not just appear…it had a reason….to curb the ever growing burden on mother earth……nature has a way of taking care of its business. Blame not the kenyan ladies or young men….but the west for introducing porn movies…massage parlours and the like into kenya…also for producing corruption that has eaten the nation insideout. You want to discuss this further go to my blog – kenya a failed

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  4. The fear of the Almighty Creator is no longer there and we have debased ourselves. It is highly possible that there are some animal species in the several wildlife parks in Kenya are better than us now, decency- wise.

    Because we do not severely chastise sex outside proper wedlock and do not question the prelude to this, we have arrived at this horrible situation. yet we sometimes pride ourselves as being educated and modern. Economic problems and all are nothing more than a satanic means to deceive some in justifying these sinful acts.

    Only when we return to the true purpose why we were created- to serve the Almighty Creator by obeying His Law Extra marital sex is a sin that shows our disobeying Him and any thing that leads to it should be unlawful and frowned at at ALL levels of the society.

    All efforts should be made to return ourselves to the servitude of the On True Unique Almighty Creator who has no partners Google out – The true religion of god. Try out the first return.

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  13. Know what, while I do know that sex is special and supposed to be practised within the confines of mature adulthood and stable relationships, it is an area that’s near impossible to legislate on.

    Will more knowledge of sexuality and our bodies actually aid this society in practising safe and responsible sex? Very hard to say with the increasing levels of perversion and desire to find excitement.

    Poverty alone cannot be the cause of vices such as theft, corruption and prostitution. There could be elements of fantasy and adventure thrown in too. Why are brothels and “parlours” in upmarket parts of this city of ours? Because of image, prestige and purchasing profile of clientelle. This at least implies there is an economy right there and money to be both made and had.

    Certain kinds of knowledge require exposure and resources. The sex industry targets the haves, those who can afford various levied fees and use cards to access sex videos and shows. Is the societal elite complicit in such? Well, they’re the only ones in a country such as ours who can regularly afford and sustain the sex industry we have.

    A look at the relative cost of sex movies (local). You need to part with about Kshs 1,000 (versus about two hundred for a “normal” movie). Prostitutes will hardly take more than a glance at a broke “client”. You will hardly gain admittance to social joints that promote toplessness, not from the cover fee levied, not from the cost of drinks inside or from tips demanded from the performers.

    This gives another dimension to the sex industry. I’m however not ruling out involvement in drugs and rampant unemployment among our youth. I’m simply asking that we cast our eyes wider and visit upper class hotels to see how many single working women hang out looking for potentials. I won’t even go to the element of chat programs and sites like Skype.

    All in all it’s a well-written and cited article.

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    3. The bible and the law, give everyone freedom to choose, heaven or hell/ prison or not? If an adult chooses to break the rules, they know what they are doing so mind YOUR own business.

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    The Kitona Operation: Rwanda’s African Odyssey
    The Kitona Operation: Rwanda’s African Odyssey
    by Comer Plummer

    While the African Continent has seen no shortage of war in our time, few of these conflicts produced campaigns or battles worthy of study. One exception emerged from the war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, formerly Zaire, which lasted from 1998 to 2001. This conflict, which has been called Africa’s World War, came to directly involve nine African countries. This war was remarkable in many respects, not the least of which was its opening phase that featured a long range aerial insertion of ground troops behind enemy lines, with the aim of achieving a quick knockout victory. This was an operation that exemplified audacity and courage, and its aftermath became an odyssey fit for a Hollywood script.

    This conflict had its origins in the 1996-7 ‘war of liberation’ in Zaire, during which an alliance of Congolese rebels and foreign forces overthrew the country’s dying despot, Mobutu Sese Seko. While the liberation theme was pushed for public consumption, the underlying causes of the war involved efforts by the regimes of Rwanda, Uganda, and Burundi to defeat domestic opposition groups operating from eastern Zaire. Rwanda, with the most serious crisis, was at the center of this effort.[1]

    Rwanda sank into a period of civil war in 1994, during which Hutu and Tutsi tribes engaged in a horrific genocide that took the lives of up to 800,000 people. Hundreds of thousands of Rwandans fled to refugee camps in eastern Zaire, among them many Hutu soldiers and militiamen who took part in the massacres. These groups used the camps to reorganize and resume their attacks into Rwanda.[2] By 1996, when Mobutu’s decaying state was unable to deal with the crisis, Kigali’s Tutsi-dominated government determined to solve the problem with its small, but highly disciplined army.

    Plucking a rotund, aging Congolese Marxist revolutionary, Laurent-Desiré Kabila, from a comfortable East African exile, the Rwandans set him at the head of an army of liberation consisting of Rwandan ‘advisors’, Zairean dissidents and military deserters, and child soldiers. With Ugandan and Burundian assistance, the alliance swept to power in May of 1997. Kabila set about remaking the country. One of his first acts was to change the country’s name back to its pre-Mobutu appellation of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. For more than a year, Kabila and his Rwandan allies co-existed in power. The Rwandans occupied many key posts in Kabila’s government and the new Congolese Army (FAC).

    One of the central figures in the conflict in the Congo was a Rwandan Colonel, James Kabare (also spelled Kabarebe). Kabare, a Tutsi, was born in Rutshuru in eastern Congo in 1959. A long time confidant and aide to Rwandan President Paul Kagame, he came to play a key role in Rwandan foreign affairs. During Kabila’s march across Congo in 1996-7, Kabare served as the rebel leader’s Chief of Operations. Kabila later appointed Kabare to be interim Chief of Staff of the FAC. Kabare, wiry and intense, was hard liner with a ‘never again’ determination to defend Kagame’s regime. An ardent soldier, he claimed to have participated in hundreds of combat operations.[3]

    Laurent Kabila was not the puppet the Rwandans expected. He came to resent their control and feared Kigali planned his overthrow. Abruptly, on July 13, 1998, Kabila replaced Kabare as his military Chief of Staff. Two weeks later, he ordered all Rwandan troops to depart the Congo.[4] He then rounded up all ‘counter-revolutionaries’, including Congolese Tutsis (called, Banyamulenge), which he suspect of being pro-Rwandan.

    Congo’s king-makers were not so easily dismissed. They decided to replace Kabila. On August 2, 1998, Congolese military units mutinied in Goma, near Congo’s eastern frontier with Rwanda. Soldiers belonging to a new Rwanda-backed rebel group took over a local radio station and announced a revolt to oust Kabila. On cue, Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) forces steamed across the border into Goma and Bukavu. As these events unfolded, in Kinshasa several hundred Rwandan soldiers who had evaded Kabila’s repatriation order, and supported by Banyamulenge fighters, attacked FAC army bases. FAC units suppressed these attacks, but were quickly overwhelmed in the east. Within days, the RPA controlled Congo’s eastern border from Bukavu to Uvira and was moving deep into the Kivu provinces. In northeastern Congo, Ugandan Army (UPDF) forces invaded Ituri District and began their drive for Kisangani – Congo’s commercial hub on the upper Congo River.[5]

    Laurent Kabila did not panic. The sheer size of his country, the nature of the terrain, and the lack of trafficable roads would doubtless slow the enemy. The year before, it had taken his forces months to march across Congo, and in the face of little resistance. Surely, he would have the time to assemble forces and international support to stem the tide.

    The Rwandans and their Ugandan allies would deny him that luxury. They realized that they needed a quick blow to hasten the end of this war. They had little regard for Congolese forces, but feared a long campaign and the grueling march across the tangled terrain of dense forests, marshes, and innumerable rivers of the Congo River basin. Plus, a quick strike would minimize international condemnation and the risk of drawing neighboring countries into the fight.

    The Rwandans conceived a bold plan: As the offensive in the east developed, they would airlift a contingent of troops 1,500 kilometers across the Congo basin to Kitona air base, located 320 kilometers west of Kinshasa near the Atlantic coast. From there, the contingent would march east, capturing key infrastructure, and attack Kinshasa from the rear. Along the way, they hoped to augment their numbers with Congolese deserters and dissidents, and by liberating Banyamulenge rounded up by Kabila. A Rwandan ‘fifth column’ was already at work in the ghettos of Kinshasa, distributing arms and bribing indigent youths to act as guides within the city.[6] The Rwandans hoped to generate a popular revolt against the Kabila regime. Failing that, at the very least they would sow chaos.

    The Rwandan plan targeted Congo’s economic umbilical, the Bas Congo province. Located west of Kinshasa, this province formed the finger of land that linked Congo’s vast interior with its tiny, 43-km coastline. While Congo’s smallest province, it strategically the most important, containing its only known oil reserves and its primary source of electrical power, the Inga dam complex. This latter facility powered much of Congo, from Kinshasa to the mining cities of Katanga province, 1,700 kilometers distant. Congo’s only oceanic ports were there, including the port of Matadi, and an oil pipeline and rail line linking Kinshasa to the ocean.[7]

    It was an audacious plan, and one fraught with risk. This small force would be required to push across more than 300 kilometers of difficult terrain, seizing several intermediate objectives along the march, at the end of which it would attempt to invest and occupy a city of some 6 million people. The logistics of the operation would depend on a long, tenuous air bridge. The Rwandans did not fear privations or their adversary. They counted on the psychological impact of the operation. Surprise, and their network of agents in Kinshasa, would ensure panic and the collapse of any organized resistance.

    If the Rwandans feared anything, it was Angola. Geography loomed over the Kitona operation. The Angolan frontier lay just south of the air base; to the immediate north was the Angolan enclave of Cabinda. Angola had already shown itself willing to act unilaterally to stabilize the region. The year before, the Angolan Army had intervened to end a civil war in Congo-Brazzaville and its troops were stationed in that country. Moreover, the Angolan Army was a formidable force. Its 112,000 soldiers outnumbered the combined forces of Rwanda, Uganda, and the Congolese rebels.[8] Angolan soldiers were hardened by more than two decades of civil war. In short, the entire adventure depended on Angolan neutrality.

    On August 3, as RPA units were still consolidating their foothold in eastern Congo, Rwandan forces under the personal command of Colonel Kabare, now Rwandan Army Deputy Chief of Staff, commandeered three civilian airliners at Goma’s airport. The following day, he embarked 500 Rwandan soldiers and a Ugandan artillery unit and headed for Kitona.

    The contingent landed at Kitona air base on the morning of August 4, 1998. The defenders offered little resistance. Most were ex-Zairean soldiers who had been sent there for re-training. Unpaid for several weeks, the sight of bundles of U.S. dollars the Rwandans brought drew many to the ranks of the contingent. The Rwandans captured nearby Muanda and Congo’s petroleum operations. In subsequent days, additional flights from Goma and Kigali brought another 3,000 RPA and Congolese rebel soldiers. The contingent began its march east. Boma and Buama fell in rapid succession. By August 13, the invaders had captured Matadi and the Inga damn complex, the last of their intermediate objectives, and stood halfway to their prize. The Rwandans ordered Inga’s turbines shut down, plunging Kinshasa and much of Congo into darkness.[9]

    Laurent Kabila moved to his provincial refuge at Lubumbashi, where he worked feverishly to assemble support for his tottering regime. He lobbied the Southern African Development Community (SADC) for military assistance. On August 17, three key members of that body – Zimbabwe, Angola, and Namibia – gave him their support. Zimbabwean troops began to arrive in Kinshasa shortly thereafter. Angola remained on the sidelines. South African President Nelson Mandela, then also SADC President, called an emergency meeting of its members for August 22.

    The contingent marched on, silently now, for resistance had dissolved. Villages emptied before them. Weapons shouldered, the soldiers filed along the undulating banks of the Congo River, moving ever closer to Kinshasa and the gray waters of the Stanley Pool. Panic engulfed the city, as thousands tried to flee across the river to Brazzaville. The government closed the ferry and people retreated to the ghettos. Diplomats and foreign workers flooded the airport. On August 22, the day the summit was schedule to occur, the Rwandans and their allies were 30 kilometers west of Kinshasa. In the east, Rwanda and Ugandan forces were more than 150 kilometers inside Congo and pushing west under little resistance.[10] It was a race against time, and the Rwandans appeared to be winning.

    Then, it all fell apart. Mandela’s summit failed to come together. Despite his efforts, Angola and Namibia were preparing to intervene in the war. On 23 August, Angolan President José Eduardo Dos Santos announced that his troops would defend Kinshasa. They had in fact already entered Congolese territory. That day, 2,500 Angolan troops, supported by tanks and fighter aircraft, attacked the Rwandan rear base at Kitona. Overwhelmed, the Rwandans rear guard dispersed. Feeling somewhat reassured, Kabila returned to Kinshasa. The hunter now became the hunted. Their line of retreat severed, Colonel Kabare and his commanders had little choice but to press on to Kinshasa. Two days later the contingent began working its way into the hills that surrounded the capital.

    The fight for Kinshasa began in the early morning hours of August 26, 1998. It lasted for three days. The Rwandans surrounded the city and infiltrated key areas, probing for weaknesses. Their attacks were concentrated against the Kasangulu township at western approach to Kinshasa and N’djili airport in the east. These efforts failed, largely due to the stout resistance of Zimbabwean troops. The Rwandans also failed to generate a popular rising in the urban quarters. Rumors of a Tutsi uprising launched a spontaneous vigilante hunt for Banyamulenge and collaborators. In those frenzied days, dozens were lynched and the streets smoked with the charred bodies of those burned alive.[11]

    The Rwandans and their allies pulled back into the hills, where they regrouped and took stock of their plight. They were dangerously short of supplies, their line of retreat was cut, and they were more than a thousand kilometers inside hostile country. FAC and Angolan troops were converging on them from east and west. One by one, they recaptured Muanda, Boma, Inga, Buama, and Matadi. The contingent had only one choice – exfiltration. But from where? The nearest airfield was north, across the Congo River in Congo-Brazzaville. This was not a viable option, given the lack of barges and that country’s alignment with Angola. Looking over a map, Kabare spotted a small regional airport across the Angolan border at Maquela do Zombo. UNITA rebels roamed this area during the Angolan Civil War and it remained largely uncontrolled by Luanda.

    As the main body hunkered down and licked its wounds, the Rwandans hastened a reconnaissance team to Maquela do Zombo to determine the suitability of the airport. The team returned a week later, haggard and parched by the height of the African summer. The news was not good: The airport was occupied by 400 Angolan troops. Undeterred, the Rwandans began to plan for an attack on the airport.

    In mid-September 1998, Colonel Kabare was ready to make his move. Leaving behind the sick and wounded, he took the contingent across the border and marched on Maquela do Zombo. Arriving several days later, they launched a night attack that surprised and routed the defenders. Over the following days, Kabare had the sick and wounded brought to the new camp, while his forces prepared defenses around the airport. Inspecting their prize, they found that the runway would need improvements. They would need to extend the length of the runway from 1,400 to 1,800 meters to allow for larger cargo planes to land. Runway lights would be required for a night time evacuation. Kabare realized he would need time. He pushed forward their defenses and blocked the only access road 100 kilometers from town.

    For nearly two months the contingent held the airport against encroaching Angolan forces. They repelled several Angolan attacks, including one spearheaded by 26 armored vehicles. Small supply flights arrived from Rwanda, bringing the tools and generators that enabled them to add extend the runway and add lights. With the runway ready, aircraft began arriving to evacuate the contingent to Kigali. Over the next few days, the Rwandans made more than 30 flights out of Maquela do Zombo. Kabare later remarked, “As we emptied the airport, we fell back from the perimeters. On the last day, our defenses were just a few kilometers from the airport.” On the final night of the operation, the Rwandan rear guard and the commanders made a dash for the last plane as the Angolans closed in.

    By Christmas Day, 1998, the last elements of the contingent returned home. Thirty-one soldiers of the Ugandan artillery unit, healthy and smiling, debarked to a heroes’ welcome at Kampala. Major General Afande Saleh, the Ugandan Minister of Defense, was on hand to greet them. Kabare later noted with satisfaction, “We handed them all in good health to Afande Saleh.” He paused, allowing himself a rare degree of sentiment, “They were all really good boys, some of the best.”

    The intervention of SADC forces saved Kabila’s regime. After the Rwandans were turned back at Kinshasa, the war in the Congo settled into a stalemate that lasted more than two years. In January, 2001, a bodyguard assassinated Laurent Kabila and his son, Joseph Kabila, replaced him. By then, war fatigue chased off many of the belligerents, and those few remaining bowed to pressure to end a conflict that had become increasingly indefensible and unpopular. Congolese government and rebel leaders signed a peace agreement and formed a transitional government. In 2006 Congolese went to the polls in the country’s first free elections in 40 years and elected Joseph Kabila president of a unified Congo.

  38. Very nice ending article….

    There are sure big issues in the dark continent. It sure was a world war given the numerous nations. I think Kagame, M7 and Burundi are hawks who spoil for war.

    The article left out the plunder of Congo. A very important aspect I think that financed the neighbors and allies.

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